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China has launched new ambitious goals toward building a “modern socialist country,” drawing on its experience of setting medium-term goals in its five-year plans

By Xu Dawei Updated May.1

On March 12, China’s National People’s Congress (NPC) concluded its annual session in Beijing. Arguably the most important event in China’s political agenda, the annual NPC session serves as a major policy platform and forum to launch long-term plans.  

The highlights of this year’s NPC session were the 14th Five-Year Plan (2021-2025) and the Long-Range Objectives Through the Year 2035, which the government says set China on a new journey to build “a modern socialist country” with a new development concept.  

Although the course of China’s development has been charted by its five-year plans (FYP), there has been a constant perception among some observers that the FYPs are only propaganda. To understand the far-reaching effects of China’s new FYP, one needs to examine the history and underlining rationale. 

Early History 
China set its first FYP in 1953, only a few years after the People’s Republic of China (PRC) was established in 1949. As the war-torn country tried to rebuild from scratch, the first FYP aimed to lay the foundation for China’s industrialization and socialist transformation. As the first FYP wrapped up in 1957, China had produced its first car, first jet aircraft, built the iconic Wuhan Yangtze River Bridge, the first across the river, and more than doubled industrial output from 1952.  

But as China adopted a Soviet-style economic policy, the five-year plans in the first decades of the PRC were not so successful. “As China was still in its pre-industrialization period, it could not effectively collect information on its available resources and economic indicators, which made it difficult to make effective plans,” Wu Li, a research fellow from the Institute of Studies on Contemporary China with the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, told NewsChina.  

As China descended into political turmoil, its five-year plans followed the doctrine of a command economy, rather than that of a planned economy. It was not until China launched the reform and opening-up policy in the late 1970s that the plans regained their position in guiding the country’ development policy.  

Since the Sixth Five-Year Plan (1981-1985), China also expanded its policy scope from economic development to social development. In that plan, economic indexes accounted for 60 percent of all development objectives, which dropped to 16 percent in the 13th FYP (2016-2020). 

Planning vs Market 
For many Western observers, the concept of FYPs is contrary to the idea of a market economy. Even in China, there have been long debates about the relationship between a planned and market economy in China’s policymaking. It was a contentious issue in the late 1980s and 1990s, following the collapse of the Soviet Union. 

As Russia and some Eastern European countries adopted dramatic reforms to transform from command economies to free market economies, calls grew within China to drop the State-driven planning system.  

In the landmark speech during the historic Southern Tour in 1992 that settled the debates on issues regarding China’s development path, Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping, architect of China’s reform and opening-up policy, declared that markets and plans are not mutually exclusive, nor are they the defining characteristics of a socialist or capitalist economy. Both are legitimate tools for managing an economy, Deng said.  

It is under this interpretation that China eventually established the concept of a “socialist market economy.” “The way China handles the relationship between planning and the market is to allow them to run parallel with each other,” Xin Ming, a professor from the Central Party School, said. “While the market promotes competition and injects vitality into the economy, the planned aspect tackles the chaos and disorder when the market fails.”  

According to Zheng Yongnian, professor and director of the Advanced Institute of Global and Contemporary China Studies of the Chinese University of Hong Kong, the Chinese model is a “State-led market economy,” which combines the planned and the market economy. “At the top of the mixed economy are State-owned enterprises, with many small- and medium-sized private businesses at the bottom,” Zheng told NewsChina. “In between is where State and private capital interact.”  

“The Communist Party of China (CPC) is a mission-oriented political party and its legitimacy lies in its ability to accomplish the missions it promises to the people,” Zheng said. “The FYPs serve as major governance tools that allow the Party to take a long-term perspective to achieve its goals.” 

Tianwen-I, the rocket carrying China’s Mars probe, launches from the Wenchang Spacecraft Launch Site, South China’s Hainan Province, July 23, 2020

Chinese Model 
Ma Liang, a professor at the School of Public Administration and Policy at the Renmin University of China, said that after several decades’ experience, China has established a set of mature and standard procedures to enact FYPs. “It is a participatory process which involves every level of China’s massive government apparatus, experts from every field and the public.”  

By seeking to reach consensus and agreement on the objectives of the country’s development among the Party, government apparatuses, experts and the public, the FYP formulation process ensures its effective implementation. “China has shown that if it makes a plan, it can follow through and deliver that plan,” Ma said.  

Official appraisals show China achieved 20 out of 22 major development indexes of the 11th FYP (2006-2010), and 23 out of 24 indexes of the 12th FYP (2011-2015). Appraisal of the 13th FYP (2016-2020) has not been completed yet, but the mid-term appraisal conducted in 2018 showed that China was on the path to accomplish the major tasks set out in the FYP, which highlighted innovation and reform.  

By the end of 2020, China had expanded its Belt and Road Initiative and eradicated extreme poverty. In the past five years, China launched the Fuxing series, China’s new generation of high-speed trains, conducted the maiden flight of the C919 passenger aircraft, China’s first single-aisle jet, landed the Chang’e-4 spacecraft on the dark side of the Moon and launched the last of 55 satellites for the Beidou Navigation Satellite System, all within the timeline outlined in the 13th FYP.  

According to Yan Yilong, an associate professor and assistant dean of the Institute for Contemporary China Studies at Tsinghua University, after several decades of practice, China has developed the FYPs into a major tool to plan, implement and deliver its development targets, which also records the entire process of the country’s growth.  

“By setting out consistent and quantitative indexes, the FYP is a major feature of China’s unique governance system, which provides stable and continuous guidelines for the country’s long-term development,” Yan said. 

A cargo ship docks at Zhoushan Port, Ningbo, Zhejiang Province

‘A New Era’ 
What makes the 14th FYP different is that 2021 is seen to have major historical significance and marks a new era for China’s development.  

When Chinese President Xi Jinping took office in 2012, the leadership launched a set of goals known as the Two Centenaries, that is to build China into a xiaokang society, or “a moderately prosperous society” by the centenary of the founding of the CPC in 2021, and to build China into a “modern socialist nation” around the centenary of the founding of the PRC in 2049. 

In quantitative terms, the first centenary goal is defined as doubling the GDP and per capita income of 2010, which was achieved in 2020. It is with these achievements that China declared in late 2020 that it had eradicated extreme poverty.  

Therefore, 2021 marks the first year in which China will move on to its second centenary goal. Under the 14th FYP and the LongRange Objectives approved during the 2021 NPC session, China laid out a two-stage development blueprint, which aims to achieve “basic socialist modernization” by 2035 and to establish China as a “strong and modern socialist nation” by 2050.  

After four years of the Trump administration in the US and a global pandemic during which the relationship between China and the US continued to deteriorate, 2021 is also perceived to be at the beginning of a more challenging time as the West is becoming increasingly hostile.  

“As China now has entered a new phase of development, it needs an alternative development model and a new set of targets,” Xin Ming said. “It means that the 14th FYP will serve as a trailblazer that lays the foundation for China’s future development in the next 15 to 30 years.” 

According to Zheng Yongnian, a major shift in China’s future policy is a focus on the quality rather than the quantity of its development. Unlike past FYPs and other long-term plans which centered on GDP growth to the exclusion of other indicators, the 14th FYP does not include any specific five-year growth target.  

Although the Chinese government released an annual growth target of no less than 6 percent for 2021, it is a rather moderate figure as China’s growth rate in 2021 is widely projected to be over 8 percent.  

“Instead of a gross GDP growth, the 14th FYP outlined a set of comprehensive indexes, which suggests the plan is more explorative with a more flexible approach,” said Zheng.  

According to Ma Liang, a focus of China’s future policy will be on regional and rural-urban income disparity. A major theme of the 14th FYP is to ensure the sustainability of China’s poverty alleviation achievements and the rejuvenation of rural society.  

Another policy priority is the promotion of an “innovation-driven” development model, which would be key to achieving modernization. The 14th FYP reiterates the importance of the new “dual circulation” development mode, where domestic and foreign markets can boost each other, with the domestic market as the mainstay.  

China’s central leadership launched the concept of dual circulation in mid-2020. While the strategy was seen to address the impact of the global coronavirus pandemic, it is now clear that the new doctrine will play a major role in China’s future economic policy, as China is increasingly concerned over the external challenges it faces.  

“The dual circulation strategy stems from the dual challenges from both home and abroad,” Yan Yilong said. “China’s next challenge will be how to further connect its domestic market to the global economy.” 

A farmer works at a nursery in the county of Jishui, Jiangxi Province

A worker at a wind power equipment manufacturing center in Hami, Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region

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